Thursday, 9 August 2018

Formerly known as Enkare Nairobi


Despite being the birth place of Wangari Maathai, of being the current host of the UNEP, we treat our natural resources in the country the way public officials treat our hard earned money. With contempt, and as a never ending ATM. Despite being perennially squeezed for water as a water scarce country, we still mismanage the fragile ecosystems and water bodies we currently have with politicians engaging in an infantile populist chicken/ egg argument over whether forests bring rain, or rain brings forests (correct answer: forests bring rain).

The notion that we are but custodians of this land- and that we hold it in trust for future generations is a central tenet of what we say we stand for as a country. It’s enshrined in the Constitution, and with responsible planetary stewardship a corner stone of most religious belief systems.  Unfortunately, this principle didn’t survive first contact with the venal kleptocracy that is Kenya. Our rivers, rhinos, forests, elephants, beaches, sand, coral ecosystems are all under siege.

We have a penchant for constraining things that were always meant to be free. But nature has a habit of cracking down on those who thwart her. She’s resilient- “able to absorb and accommodate future events in whatever unexpected form they may take." But she’s not infinitely forgiving. She scoffs at tenderpreneur’s elastic compromises, and in the past, we’ve seen her fight back at the people who deigned to constrain her.  In a sense, nature has been fighting back as NEMA and the rest twiddled their thumbs. The current clearing of riparian land is a belated move to rectify sins of omission and commission that have been piling up over the years. While NEMA is late to the show, nature has been working on clearing this up herself and on reclaiming what was never ours to build on. We watched as developers erected buildings and homes on riparian land and in typical “shauri yako” fashion, built culverts designed to shepherding the river into other peoples’ property! Pity. 

Beyond the multiple damming and diversion of the river that’s been happening and causing flooding, the encroachment of riparian reserve has been disastrous to the urban ecology of Nairobi. The riparian reserve is more than an aesthetic requirement. Riparian zones carry out soil nitrification amongst other things,  and off balance leads to eutrophication and deoxygenation of the riverine system.  A whiff of the Kirichwa River provides ample proof that all’s not right in the Nairobi river system. Our rivers are full of trash and debris and some- like the Ngong River are nothing more than open sewers. It’s not entirely surprising because where a government connects less than half the resident households with sewer systems, waste has to go somewhere with the resultant rivers being nothing more than fetid and murky cesspools brimming with plastic bags even months after the plastic ban.

The Caveat Emptorness of it all:
Living in Kenya sometimes feels like being in the Thunderdome in Mad Max.  The utter lack of safeguards for citizens shows us that in almost all interactions, the citizen is on her own. While I applaud the demolition of property that was wilfully and deliberately built on riparain land by those who knew it was public land and perverted the system to do so, it's utterly deplorable that *some* innocent Kenyans who bought land in good faith have now been left holding the bag.  The news clip of homeowners in Green Park in Athi River whose houses were being demolished was gut wrenching. They’ve been left holding mortgages that they still need to pay for over land that was never theirs to own and my heart goes out to them. Meanwhile- the developers who bribed and built their way into this mess are still laughing all the way to the bank. It’s a situation that needs urgent rectification- the demolition of houses should be accompanied by an EACC investigation of how those multiple permits came to be issued. It also behoves NEMA to publicly publish a list of what is public land (which all riparian land is), and to show what actions have been taken against employees who participated in the creation of this unholy mess.  

This information asymmetry in a perennially corrupt environment lends itself to a situation where the innocent are hoodwinked, and the corrupt find safe harbour for their pillage and robbery of public land. It’s an untenable state of affairs. Ultimately, for longer lasting and more just solutions, we need more safeguards and constancy from the Government.

Wednesday, 9 May 2018

#SwitchOffKLPC Hashtags and social movements


KOT is characterised by many things. It’s rambunctious, boisterous and decidedly disorderly. It’s sometimes funny and whimsical.  It’s also on occasion misogynistic and homophobic. And every so often, we have woke KOT.  And while “twitter activism” has been dismissed in many places (think Peter Kenneth’s presidential  “twitter votes”), its mobilising and rallying power has definitely changed how online Kenyans think and interact with the state and authority. Twitter’s ability to democratise information has forged commonalities in Kenyans where through the hyper-connectedness of Twitter, common outrage against inflated power bills has led to Kenyans mobilising around the #SwitchOffKPLC hashtag.

Hashtag  activism isn’t new in Kenya. There have been some successful hashtags e.g. the #MyDressMyChoice which was able to halt the noxious trend by  PSV operators of assaulting women for “dressing indecently” and also translated to offline prosecutions and convictions. Some of these hashtags were short lived and ephemeral e.g.  #SomeoneTellCNN, the #UhuruChallenge or even the #DeportKoffiOlomide that faded off KOT radar after objectives were met (and perhaps also due to an admittedly short KOT attention span!). Some e.g. #WhatIsARoad #OverlapKE have morphed into longer lasting hashtags that are still being used to call attention to two of the biggest aggravations facing Kenyan commuters- the deplorable state of our roads, and overlapping menaces who make commuting a daily nightmare.

Kenya Power and power
By all accounts, KPLC is the piggy-bank of choice for government regimes, officials and connected Kenyans. It’s a feeding trough that is fed by hard earned Kenyan cash- much of this non disposable income for Kenyans that are barely making it.




The #SwitchOffKPLC campaign has also given Kenyans a small peek behind the curtains at the corruption machine that runs and controls most of industry and politics in Kenya. “KOT police” have been instrumental in providing information that answer Eric Wainaina’s question of who is to blame for the rot in our country. What’s clearly obvious through some of the information that is coming through is that this corruption machine neither sleeps nor slumbers. Like a perverse virtue, this looting machine is patient, and unkind. It always protects the benefactors, and unless something changes, will probably always persevere. It’s also proven to be very innovative - see e.g. the third party token vendors who saw an opportunity to make money through alternative paybills and were able to capture 35% of the token market.

What we should however never lose sight of is that these staggering fortunes made through bribery of KPLC officials, creation of fake fuel shortages, and  siphoning of money are crimes that have very real victims behind them. If you trawl the lead campaigners/ founders of the movement @apollomboya  @jerotichSeei and supporters’ twitter timelines, tweets tell stories of predation by an uncaring, indifferent corporation that has used its position as a monopoly to brutalise and bilk Kenyans of their hard earned and scarce coins regardless of the human cost. They have shown zero compunction in over billing widows and grannies, and businesses on the edge. 




Social Movements & Social Media
For Kenyan civil society- especially those working in transparency/ accountability and energy sector, the campaign offers an opportunity to make change in the notoriously corrupt energy sector. And while I don’t think that online campaigning will (or even should) replace traditional civil society, supporting the #SwitchOffKPLC campaign would bolster the efforts of the movement and their own work in energy justice. There are perhaps lessons to be learned from how the #BLM movement has been able to grow from a twitter hashtag to one that has galvanised (and some say rescued) the civil rights movement in the US. From all accounts, it was able to morph into a social movement because of its ability to tap into grassroots organisations, NGOs and other associational life to leverage its online popularity into offline work in the judiciary, churches, schools etc. Mr Mboya’s public interest litigation, online research and activism by Ms Seii   and others has translated to offline gains where consumers have earned a reprieve from inflated bills through the court system.  For civil society activists, the campaign could serve to connect energy justice, anti corruption and transparency and accountability work. 

It’s proving that it can help counter sponsored disinformation and provide alternative narratives that amplify universally recognisable truths- that the kleptocracy that rules Kenya is literally and metaphorically killing us. It also offers an already beleaguered civil society a chance to re-moblise its base, and work to chip away at the age old corruption looting machine we’ve been fighting for a long time. 

xxx

Wednesday, 4 April 2018

Biting the hand that feeds you. A Kenyan Story


Mwana wa nyoka…

The Kenyan food system is broken. It’s a venal and extremely predatory system that is both child and acolyte of the society that produced it, including our system of governance. In that way, one could say that it functions exactly like it’s supposed to function. It’s a dysfunctional system that is built on legacies of colonial and post-colonial occupation, extremely contentious, bloody and contested clashes over land use, unresolved rights of occupancy, and the right to resources.  It’s characterised by regional inequality, corruption, deep and normalised gender inequality, and a fundamentally broken land tenure system amongst others. Global politics around access rights to seeds, fertiliser and other farm inputs play out in how we produce and consume our food with the agro-food oligopolies being winners in an increasingly winner takes all global system. Kenya, like many African countries, is also finding itself increasingly less able to weather the volatility in food geopolitics. As a result of all the above, the food we eat is often contaminated, unsustainably farmed and improperly regulated. Food security is a dream for many of our citizens, and our birthrights- including seeds passed down from our ancestors- are being sold out from under us as ‘leaders’ loot and plunder from the very system that feeds us.  
It’s a system where schismatic inequities translate to the right to food being enjoyed on a regional basis. The privileging of dominant cultures means that agrarian production methods, systems of land tenure, labour and access to foods dominate. And that poverty and marginalisation for non-agrarian populations (e.g. pastoralists and low income urban dwellers) remain the primary cause of hunger in Kenya. It’s a problem that has regional dimensions where e.g. food poverty is endemic in the North Eastern region with a wasting rate of close to 20% as opposed to a 7% national average.
That the system is fundamentally not fit for purpose is seen in that the food that we are consuming is not always fit for human consumption. Recent reports in the media remind us that the food we eat is unhealthy, sometimes carcinogenic and poisonous. It is certainly not from a lack of agencies to oversee food safety in the country. There are at least 22 MDAs that are charged with overseeing our food and at last count, at least over a dozen acts and ordinances that regulate our food system. Despite this, the food on our table- especially for the low income urban consumer remains unsafe, and at times dangerous to health.

In addition to the food being down right unhealthy, citizens are also not getting enough food. Including farmers! Over half of farmers are buying food, and close to 75% of small holder income goes towards food. And while the right to food is enshrined in the Kenyan constitution, it’s clear that we are quite far from fulfilling our obligations to our citizens on this front.
Like clockwork, Kenya experiences drought every three years. And like clockwork, people face hunger and malnutrition. Over a third of Kenya’s population is chronically food insecure. And hunger and malnutrition, is the diabolical gift that keeps on giving. The impact of under-nutrition on lactating mothers and children is devastating and sometimes irreversible where children who’ve experienced stunting display poor mental development and slower brain development. They’re smaller and less able to concentrate in class than their counterparts. Malnourished mothers have malnourished babies- and as part of a twisted legacy, stunted children will in all likelihood give birth to malnourished babies. Rinse, wash, repeat. In a twisted, vicious cycle.
A look at just two of the major pathologies that give rise to the broken food system- gender injustice and corruption shows that if we are serious about creating a food system that is capable of producing safe, healthy and sustainably produced food- we need to correct the underlying conditions that give rise to this unequal and predatory food system that we find ourselves with.
Gender Injustice...
The food system is rife with many contradictions that defy any sense and reason. I’m still unable to parse the fact that Kenyan women & girls produce most of our food and that most of Kenya’s hungry are women and girls. If we are serious about broader social and political reform in Kenya, a good point to start would be here. As Gloria Steinem says, if we accept in the homestead that there are those who cook (or farm), and those that eat, we internalise and accept that in the larger society, there will be those that produce, and those that eat.
Traditional gendered subordination of women means that women have less land ownership (‘marry it, or inherit it’) and they have less access to inputs of production. While the Kenyan constitution corrected a long standing injustice that allowed customary law to dictate inheritance and land ownership rights of women, and it is now possible for women to inherit family land, the reality on the ground is slow to change where e.g. Kenyan women run over 80% of our farms, but women held land titles are only at 1%. 
This matters. Where women don’t own the land, they consequentially have less access to loans and other agricultural inputs. As a result, women farms will have lower than expected yields. The FAO estimates that we could easily increase agricultural production by 25-30% if women had equal access to agricultural inputs.
Women also face atrocious working conditions in the agricultural sector. They occupy the lowest rung of the workforce and get lower wages and also have more vulnerable work (e.g. seasonal work that comes with no social benefits).  Sexual harassment in the farms is rife and endemic. In a study by Labour Rights, over 90% of people reported that they'd witnessed or been victim to a sexual harassment. Women in the farms also report cases of sexual assault not only against them- but also against their young daughters. Children that they had to take to work due to the absence of social protection like acceptable child care facilities. A staggering 70% of men interviewed viewed sexual harassment as normal and acceptable. A truly deplorable and shameful state of affairs.
Women are underrepresented in decision making structures in our food system with e.g. 17% of women being represented in agricultural cooperative boards. Membership and leadership is also gendered when it comes to type of crop with membership & leadership in ‘cash crop’ cooperatives being mainly male (coffee, tea, tobacco) and women are found more in ‘food crops’ cooperatives (spices, cereals, dairy etc.).
Kenya has a billion dollar agricultural export market. And this is built on the backs of women. The system calls for urgent and radical reformation that is fair and equitable to women if this is to be a tenable and functional food system.
Corruption....
Reading the Auditor General reports on the steady looting of resources meant for assuring food access makes for very, very depressing reading.  Kenya relies almost predominantly on rain-fed agriculture and the systematic loss of resources meant for building dams and irrigation systems has consigned farmers to praying  and watching anxiously for the rain. This situation is made even more fraught by the utterly short sighted and mindless gobbling up of land in the main water towers that produce the rain we (still) rely on for the food we eat.
Corruption is without a doubt the termite that’s eating away at the very fabric of our agricultural system. We lose billions every year paying for a fertiliser company that doesn’t exist. The systematic looting of state corporations and assets meant means that cronyism replaced vital and needed research and investments in our agricultural sector.  It’s a system where a state corporation that owns over 80% of our seeds was “secretly sold’ and ownership of our seeds- the commons- irregularly passed into private hands. A story as old as independent Kenya is the one of the fraud and mismanagement of our strategic maize reserve which has the dubious distinction of being independent Kenya’s first mega scandal

That corruption is truly hurtful to farmers is seen for instance in the coffee industry.  Despite Kenyan coffee being the second most lucrative global commodity, coffee farmers are still impoverished due to the predatory and profit seeking nature of the global commodities market and its local minions. It's a situation that is then compounded by the shenanigans in and around the Nairobi Coffee Exchange where up to a hundred dollars per bag are routinely skimmed off the top of what farmers should receive for premium coffee.
While corruption exists in every human society in the globe, we need a new name for the type of corruption that ails us. It’s a system that in its utterly soulless nature was perhaps last seen during colonialism. It’s an extractive, predatory and society destroying system that will lead to the guaranteed and total destruction of Kenya unless we make urgent steps to curb it.
The Fix…
If the agricultural system serves as the canary in the coal mine, it’s becoming obvious that we may have reached the tipping point, and that we have systematically cannibalised the very system that feeds us. It’s clear that our system needs urgent transformation- and not just reform. We need urgent solutions that shall transform the underlying systems that reproduce this unjust and unsustainable ways of food production, distribution, procurement, consumption and disposal of food.  As such, merely addressing the economics or tackling the issue as a problem of one of yields means that we fail to tackle the interlinked and mutually reinforcing systems means that give rise to the problems. If we attempt to apply a market based solution to the food system without addressing the underlying food justice issues, we apply a Band-Aid solution at best.
Equally problematic is the pitching of Kenya’s food problem as a technological or logistics problem that requires us to increase yields, decrease post-harvest losses etc. This so-called Green Revolution is a fix that will in all likelihood spawn even larger problems as this approach fails to take into account the even greater consolidation of power into commercial hands. The private sector remains a key and integral part of the agricultural system, but taking a neo liberal approach promises to entrench labour practices that will continue to disadvantage the small holder farmers- especially peasant women farmers in the country.
Fixing the food system requires that we address the social justice issues that underlie it. This is a call to arms for all of us working to fix the food system be it in food sovereignty, food security and food justice movements. We need redistributive land justice to be effected- years after the Ndung’u report made its findings. Urgent systematic changes in the lands department need to be made- and the current leadership of this ministry suggests that this is unlikely to happen. We need to review social protection for informal and ‘casual’ labourers especially women. We need to protect our inputs from predatory intellectual property rights. We need to be serious about curbing the excesses of corruption and we need to dismantle the systems that lead to perennially food insecure low income urban dwellers. All else is doomed to fail.

Sunday, 11 March 2018

Wakanda movements?



Erik Killmonger in Black Panther is arguably *the* most nuanced, incandescent antagonist/ super villain in the comic world– perhaps only rivalled by Heath Ledger’s Joker. To a child of a (former) colonial state, I identified and understood his struggle. I got Erik. I was rooting for him! But in the end, I was totally disappointed by just how badly women fared at his hands.

If we use Black Panther as an allegory of women’s role in Kenyan social justice movements, the disposability of women in Erik’s quest (death of his female partner, the choking of the heart shaped herb guardian), are disappointingly familiar.  Contrast this with T'Challa's Wakanda where women are integral and vital. It was so refreshing to see women taking crucial and non-supporting roles. In Wakanda- women were core to the struggle. Generals, tech geniuses, spies, rulers. They served and they saved. 

And looking inwards at our non-fictional nation of Kenya, it should serve as a cautionary tale to all the social justice movements that purport to be working for the greater good of society. Where are the women in your ranks? How are they being treated? Are we sanctioning- and casting out misogynists? Are we actively working to counter anti-female rhetoric and misogyny in the rank and file of the organisation?

If not, the movement is at its heart an unjust movement. And unjust movements bring forth unjust outcomes where they simply populate the same unjust structures with new faces.

Tuesday, 2 January 2018

Her Dress, Her Choice

Gendered Citizenship

Where citizenship can be defined as the process of exercising rights and protections; and the expectation that specific obligations (by state or other parties) shall be fulfilled, it’s obvious that in Kenya, not all citizens are created equal. Despite the recent hue and cry over the “plight of the boy child”, it’s clear to even the most cursory observer, that women and girls constantly get the short end of the citizenship stick. National data on school attendance, political leadership, corporate leadership etc. all attest to the fact that it’s still easier for the man/boy to make his way in Kenya than for his female counterpart.

We see this differential quality of citizenship every day where e.g. assault of a male is seen as deserving a response by the authorities towards the perpetrator, but an assault of the female first requires a discussion on what the female was doing/ how she was dressed before she’s accorded the moral right to a response by the authorities towards the perpetrator. This is seen in all walks of life- from the humblest back street to parliament where the quality of female leadership and the regard it’s held in is still very, very degraded.  

Patriarchal Anxieties


It’s in this context where you find our female leaders are still not accorded the respect and rights that their male counterparts fully expect. It is in this toxic environment where Duale feels fully comfortable perpetrating what could be considered workplace harassment of female MPs. His attempt to dress his fellow female MPs echoes and validates the louts and criminals that were stripping and assaulting women who were “indecently dressed” not too long ago.

His patriarchal anxieties over fellow parliamentarians’ bodies are misplaced and particularly insidious as they try and limit female agency in the one place where we fully expect the full assertion of rights and expectation of equal treatment by and for all members of parliament. Make no mistake about it- this wasn’t an off the cuff remark by an avuncular MP who’s upset by the “tight” trousers that are being worn by his colleagues. On utterances, Foucault cautions that we should focus on the statement not just as a descriptive utterance, but as a discursive event.  Our clothing and dress is very much structured and shaped by power. A parliament that’s still largely in the control of men has dressing standards that are shaped, determined and dictated by men.  Where equally powerful women, and other marginalised populations are able to penetrate these spaces, they bring the potential to expand and de-familiarise the notions of what ‘acceptable’ dressing is. It is this discomfort with the shifting of boundaries that leads to these utterances by Duale and his ilk.

Break down that statement down, and you see it for the non-benign statement that it is.  It’s an argument that’s meant to discomfit fellow parliamentarians and reduce them to the sum part of their female bodies.  It serves as a reminder to female MPs that their bodies are under observation, and that the tightness of their trousers makes them even more observable. It seeks to rob them of agency over one of the most basic choices- that of how they dress. It deliberately seeks to disadvantage female MPs as once “tight trousers” are tabled as an acceptable point of order, it is but one more thing that the female MPs have to navigate in addition to the other more pressing and legitimate business that brought them to parliament.

Fear of a Female Planet
Duale’s problematic statements are but more of the same of what African women faced during and in post-colonial Kenya. The colonial encounter’s obsession with the black female body has been well documented where the clothing of Kenya was considered an integral part of ‘civilising’ Kenya. The colonial trope of the unclothed female body as unclean /unwell still persists in independent Kenya where post-colonial agents like Duale continue in this tradition of monitoring public exposure of female bodies.  

Women in Kenya occupy this paradoxical space where we’re both custodians of all that’s virtuous and decent, while still being morally polluting Jezebels (unless guided by men) - truly a Schrödinger's cat that’s simultaneously madonna and harlot. This fear of the ‘unclothed’ female form, the differently clothed female form is rooted in a fear of female sexuality and ultimately fear of female freedom.

It’s however a fear that has no space in a Kenya whose Constitution accords both men and women equal rights, and it especially has no fear in parliament where we fully expect grown women and men to do grown people’s business. If someone’s clothing offends Duale, he should simply avert his eyes. He has no absolutely no business in the ‘tight’ trousers of MPs.

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